Social psychology chapter Summary

 

 

Social psychology chapter Summary

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SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology
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1
CHAPTER
Introducing Social Psychology
C H A P T E R O U T L I N E
I N T R O D U C T I O N
What Is Social Psychology?
Social Psychology Studies How We Are Influenced by Others Social Psychology Is More Than Common Sense Social Psychology Is Studied in Both Psychology and
Sociology The History of Social Psychology Reveals Its
American Roots
Organizing Principles of Explanation in Social Psychology
The Self Is Shaped by—and Shapes—the Social
Environment Social Cognition Involves Multiple Cognitive
Strategies Shaped by People’s Motives and Desires Culture Shapes Social Behavior Evolution Shapes Universal Patterns of Social
Behavior Brain Activity Affects and Is Affected by Social
Behavior
W E B S I T E S
I N T R O D U C T I O N
Do you ever catch yourself watching and being fascinated by a slice of life playing out in front of you? That is, while observing others going about their normal daily routines, do you ever stop and think to yourself, “Isn’t this interesting. I’m watching people living!”?
The first time I remember identifying myself as a “people watcher” was when I was a teenager working as a bagger at a grocery store in my hometown. It was about nine at night, near closing time. I had just carried an armload of grocery bags out to a customer’s car in the parking lot and turned back toward the store when I paused to take in the scene before me. It was dark outside and the illuminated interior of the store made the people inside—behind the windows—appear like actors projected onto a movie screen in a darkened theater. The scene was so mundane that I’m sure no one else took any notice: friends, coworkers, and strangers interacting and moving about as they unwittingly became the stars in my silent movie. For a few seconds I stood transfixed by this flow of life, yet at the same time feeling detached, an observer.
I was reminded of this past event while waiting tonight for my older daughter, Amelia, to finish her dance class. Once again I was outside in the dark, sitting in my car looking into the illuminated interior of the studio while the young dancers inside conversed as they put on coats and prepared to leave. At that moment the thought occurred to me that I have spent a good portion of my life as an observer, both personally and professionally.
My life as an observer of people is far from unique. We are all actors and spectators on the social stage. It just so happens that I am actually paid a salary to observe and analyze people and events. What a great deal! I get paid to do what everybody else does for free! That is a typical comment that new acquaintances make when they learn that I am a
We are all observers of social life.
What distinguishes the observations made by social psychologists from those made by the casual observer?
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social psychologist. Yet is the salary that I receive the only distinction between my observations as a social psychologist and those made by the typical layperson? Occasionally, a brave soul will press the point and ask what many others are undoubtedly thinking: “Isn’t social psychology just warmed-over common sense?”
WHAT IS SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY?
Before addressing the question of whether social psychologists are simply repackaging common folk wisdom, let us first identify what they study. You, the new student in social psychology, will likely feel a natural affinity to this subject matter because it directly addresses aspects of your daily experience in the social world.
Social Psychology Studies How We Are Influenced by Others
Gordon Allport, one of the influential figures in social psychology, provided a definition of the field that captures its essence. He stated that social psychology is a discipline that uses scientific methods in “an attempt to understand and explain how the thought, feeling, and behavior of individuals are influenced by the actual, imagined, or implied presence of others” (1985, p. 3).
To better understand this definition, let us consider a few examples. First, how might the actual presence of others influence someone’s thoughts, feelings, and behavior? Consider the response that basketball players have to the actions of the opposing team’s fans as they prepare to shoot a free throw. Fans from the opposing team often attempt to influence the shooting accuracy of the players by making loud noises and gesturing wildly in the hope of diverting the player’s attention from the task at hand. Another example of how the presence of others can influence the individual occurs when a member of a group discovers that she holds a different opinion than others on some important issue. Faced with the raised eyebrows and hushed comments, she may abandon her dissent and join the majority.
Regarding how the imagined presence of others might influence thoughts, feelings, and behavior, think about past incidents when you were considering doing something that ran counter to your parents’ wishes. Although they may not have actually been present, did their imagined presence influence your behavior? Imaginal figures can guide our actions by shaping our interpretation of events just as surely as do those who are physically present (Honeycutt, 2003; Shaw, 2003). In stressful situations, imagining the presence of others can actually lower your anxiety and provide you with an emotional security blanket (Andersen & Glassman, 1996; McGowan, 2002). These imaginal individuals may even be purely fictional characters (Caughey, 1984). When my younger daughter, Lillian, told me a few years ago that she wanted to be as brave as Hermione and Harry, two young wizards in J. K. Rowling’s Harry Potter book series, we have a perfect illustration of the power of pure imaginal figures.
Finally, how can the implied presence of others influence an individual? Have you ever had the experience of driving on the freeway, going well beyond the speed limit, only to pass a sign with a little helicopter painted on it with the words “We’re watching you” printed below? Did the implied presence of a police helicopter circling overhead influence your thoughts and feelings, as well as your pressure on the gas pedal?
Based on this discussion of the definition of social psychology, you should better understand the type of topics we will analyze in this book. Shelley Taylor (2004) recently commented that although social psychology once was a relatively small field of scholars talking primarily to one another, there now are many opportunities to collaborate with the other sciences. Today, social psychology draws on the insights of sociology, anthropology, neurology, political science, economics, and biology to gain a better understanding of how the individual fits into the larger social system. Capitalizing on this movement toward an “integrative science,” in this text we will periodically analyze how sociologists, neuroscientists, anthropologists, ethologists, and biologists explain various aspects of social behavior.
Social Psychology
The scientific discipline that attempts to understand and explain how the thoughts, feelings, and behavior of individuals are influenced by the actual, imagined, or implied presence of others.
Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology 5
Imaginal figures can influence our thoughts, feelings, and actions. For example, seeing that the lead fictional characters in
J. K. Rowling’s Harry Potter book series overcome immense obstacles to protect themselves and the wizard world from evil wizards may inspire young viewers to persevere when they themselves face life challenges. What imaginal figures inspired you when you were a child? What imaginal figures—either real or fictional—influence you today?
Social Psychology Is More Than Common Sense
As suggested by my opening story, one reason some people think of social psychology as simply rephrasing what we already know is because its subject matter is so personal and familiar: we all informally think about our own thoughts, feelings, and actions and those of others. Why would such informally attained knowledge be appreciably different from what social psychologists achieve through scientific observations? In many ways, this is true. For example, consider the following findings from social psychology that confirm what many of us already know:
• Attending to people’s faces leads to the greatest success in detecting their lies. (chapter 4)
• People are less likely to blame accident victims for their injuries if they are similar to them. (chapter 5)
• People who are paid a great deal of money to perform a boring task enjoy it more than those who are paid very little. (chapter 6)
• Men express more hostile attitudes toward women than women do toward men. (chapter 8)
• People think that physically attractive individuals are less intelligent than those who are physically unattractive. (chapter 11)
• Playing violent video games or engaging in contact sports allows people to “blow off steam,” making them less likely to behave aggressively in other areas of their lives. (chapter 13)
• Accident victims are most likely to be helped when there are many bystanders nearby. (chapter 14)
All these findings make sense, and you can probably think of examples from your own life that coincide with them. However, the problem is that I lied: social psychological research actually informs us that all these statements are generally false and the exact opposite is true. Of course, social psychology often confirms many commonsense notions about social behavior, but you will find many instances in this text where the scientific findings challenge your current social beliefs.
In most cases, our social world beliefs are best characterized as being embedded within a naive psychology. That is, instead of being based on careful scientific analysis, they
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often develop from everyday experiences and uncritical acceptance of other people’s views and opinions. Although these commonsense psychological beliefs often result in good decision making, they can also produce distorted and contradictory judgments (Cacioppo, 2004).
Now that I’ve proposed that our everyday thinking can lead to faulty judgments, a natural question is whether social psychologists have developed a special formula to eliminate these biases and errors when conducting their research. The answer is no. There is no magic formula to erase these mental quirks and glitches so that our minds run with computer-like precision. Even if there were such a formula, who would be so foolhardy to “cure” themselves in this manner? Although it is true that social psychologists are not immune to error-prone thinking, they do rely on special methods to minimize these problems when conducting research. These scientific methods will be the topic of discussion in chapter 2.
Social Psychology Is Studied in Both Psychology and Sociology
You might be surprised to learn that there actually are two scientific disciplines known as social psychology, one in psychology and the other in sociology. As Edward Jones (1998) points out in the Handbook of Social Psychology, the larger of the two is the psychological branch. Although both disciplines study social behavior, they do so from different perspectives.
The central focus of psychological social psychology tends to be individuals and how they respond to social stimuli. Variations in behavior are believed to be due to people’s interpretation of social stimuli or differences in their personalities and temperament. Even when psychological social psychologists study group dynamics, they generally emphasize the processes that occur at the individual level (Quiñones-Vidal et al., 2004). The definition of social psychology in this text reflects the psychological perspective.
In contrast, sociological social psychology downplays the importance of individual differences and the effects of immediate social stimuli on behavior. Instead, the focus is on larger group or societal variables, such as people’s socioeconomic status, their social roles, and cultural norms (Stryker, 1997). The role these larger group variables play in determining social behavior is of much keener interest to this discipline than to its psychological “cousin.” Therefore, sociological social psychologists are more interested in providing explanations for such societal-based problems as poverty, crime, and deviance. Table 1.1 contrasts the two branches of social psychology.
T A B L E 1 . 1
Two Social Psychologies Differences Between Psychological and Sociological Social Psychology
Psychological Social Psychology Sociological Social Psychology
The central focus is on the individual.
Researchers attempt to understand social behavior by analyzing immediate stimuli of psychological states, and personality traits.
Experimentation is the primary research method, followed by correlational studies, and then observational studies.
The main scientific journal in the field is the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.
The central focus is on the group or society.
Researchers attempt to understand social behavior by analyzing societal variables, such as social status, social roles, and social norms.
Observational and correlational studies are the primary research methods, followed by experimentation.
The main scientific journal in the field is Social Psychology Quarterly.
Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology
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Although there have been calls to merge the two branches into a single field (Backman, 1983)—and even a joint psychology-sociology doctoral program at the University of Michigan from 1946 to 1967—their different orientations make it doubtful that this will transpire in the foreseeable future. Despite the likelihood that an interdisciplinary social psychology will never materialize, the two fields do influence each other. The recent interest of psychological social psychologists in the impact of culture on social behavior is partly due to the importance it is given in the sociological discipline. Similarly, sociological social psychologists’ increased attention to individual differences reflects an appreciation of the insights derived from the psychological approach. Yet, regardless of the cross-pollination that has occurred over the years, the two disciplines will continue to provide important, yet differing, perspectives on social behavior.
The History of Social Psychology Reveals Its American Roots
As a scientific discipline, social psychology is only a bit older than one hundred years, with most of the growth occurring during the past five decades (McGarty & Haslam, 1997). By most standards, social psychology is a relatively young science.
THE EARLY YEARS: 1885–1934
An American psychologist at Indiana University, Norman Triplett, is generally credited with having conducted the first empirical social psychological study. In 1895 Triplett asked the following question: “How does a person’s performance of a task change when other people are present?” The question was prompted by Triplett noticing that a bicycle racer’s speed was faster when he was paced by other cyclists than when he raced alone. Being a racing enthusiast and desiring to learn what caused these different race times, he devised the first social scientific experiment.
In this study, he asked children to quickly wind line on a fishing reel either alone or in the presence of other children performing the same task. As he had predicted, the children wound the line faster when in the presence of other children. Published in 1897, this study is credited with introducing the experimental method into the social sciences. Despite the significance of this study, it took a full generation for researchers to understand the social psychological dynamics underlying Triplett’s findings (see the chapter 10 discussion of social facilitation).
Although Triplett is given credit for conducting the first social psychological study, he did nothing to establish social psychology as a distinct subfield of psychology. Credit for this achievement goes to the first authors of textbooks bearing that title, namely, English psychologist William McDougall and American sociologist Edward Ross, who each published separate texts in 1908. Consistent with the contemporary perspective in psychological social psychology, McDougall considered the individual to be the principal unit of analysis in this new science, while Ross, true to the contemporary sociological social psychology perspective, highlighted groups.
Despite the inauguration of this new subfield within psychology and sociology, social psychology still lacked a distinct identity. How was it different from the other subdisciplines within the two larger disciplines? What were its methods of inquiry? In 1924 a third social psychology text, published by Floyd Allport (older brother of Gordon Allport), went a long way in answering these questions for psychological social psychology. Reading his words today, you can see the emerging perspective that would one day permeate the psychological branch of the field:
I believe that only within the individual can we find the behavior mechanisms and consciousness which are fundamental in the interactions between individuals.... There is no psychology of groups which is not essentially and entirely a psychology of individuals.... Psychology in all its branches is a science of the individual. (Allport, 1924, p. 4)
In contrast to the more philosophical approach that both Ross and McDougall had taken sixteen years earlier, Allport’s text emphasized experimental studies in such areas as
In 1924, Floyd H. Allport published Social Psychology, a book that demonstrated how carefully conducted research could provide valuable insights into a wide range of social behaviors.
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conformity, nonverbal communication, and social facilitation. The pursuit of social psychological knowledge through carefully controlled experimental procedures would increasingly characterize the field in the coming years.
THE COMING OF AGE: 1935–1945
During the first three decades of the twentieth century, social psychologists primarily strove to generate basic concepts and sound research methods. By the mid-1930s, the vessel of social psychology was ready to be filled with new ideas and theories. The two events that had the greatest impact on social psychology at this critical juncture in its history were the Great Depression in the United States and the social and political upheaval in Europe generated by World War II.
Following the stock market crash of 1929, many young psychologists were unable to find or hold jobs. Experiencing firsthand the impact of societal forces, many of them adopted the liberal ideals of the Roosevelt “New Dealers” or the more radical left-wing political views of the socialist and communist parties. In 1936 these social scientists formed an organization dedicated to the scientific study of important social issues and the support for progressive social action (Stagner, 1986). This organization, known as the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues (SPSSI), contained many social psychologists who were interested in applying their newly developed theories and political activism to real-world problems. One of the important contributions of SPSSI to social psychology was, and continues to be, the infusion of ethics and values into the discussion of social life.
At the same time, the rise of fascism in Germany, Spain, and Italy created a strong anti-intellectual and anti-Semitic atmosphere in many of Europe’s educational institutions. To escape this persecution, many of Europe’s leading social scientists, such as Fritz Heider, Kurt Lewin, and Theodor Adorno, immigrated to America. When the United States entered the war, many social psychologists—both American and European— applied their knowledge of human behavior in a wide variety of wartime programs, including the selection of officers for the Office of Strategic Services (the forerunner of the Central Intelligence Agency) and the undermining of enemy morale (Hoffman, 1992). The constructive work resulting from this collaboration demonstrated the practical usefulness of social psychology.
During this time of global strife, one of the most influential social psychologists was Kurt Lewin, a Jewish refugee from Nazi Germany.1 Lewin was instrumental in founding SPSSI and served as its president in 1941. He firmly believed that social psychology did not have to make a choice between being either a pure science or an applied science. His oft-repeated maxim, “No research without action, and no action without research” continues to influence social psychologists interested in applying their knowledge to current social problems (Ash, 1992). By the time of his death in 1947 at the age of 57, Lewin had provided many of social psychology’s defining characteristics (Lewin, 1936; Lewin et al., 1939).
With the end of the war, prospects were bright for social psychology in North America. Based on their heightened stature in the scientific community, social psychologists established new research facilities, secured government grants, and, most important, trained graduate students. These future social psychologists were predominantly white, male, and middle class. Many of their mentors were the European scholars who had fled their native countries and then remained in America following the war. Yet, while social psychology was flourishing in this country, the devastating effects of the world war virtually destroyed the discipline overseas. In this postwar period, the United States emerged as the unchallenged world power, and just as it exported its material goods to other countries, it exported its social psychology as well. This brand of social psychology reflected
Kurt Lewin (1890–1947), a Jewish refugee from Nazi Germany, was instrumental in establishing social psychology as a respected field of scientific inquiry.
Why do you think that some social psychologists have named Adolf Hitler as the one person who had the greatest impact on the development of social psychology?
1Nobody is quite sure how to properly pronounce Kurt Lewin’s name. When he first arrived in the United States from Germany, he used the German pronunciation, “La-veen.” However, due to his children’s embarrassment of having to explain this pronunciation to their new American friends (Marrow, 1969), Lewin began referring to himself as “Loo-in.”
Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology 9
the political ideology of American society and the social problems encountered within its boundaries (Farr, 1996).
RAPID EXPANSION: 1946–1969
With its infusion of European intellectuals and the recently trained young American social psychologists, the maturing science of social psychology expanded its theoretical and research base. To understand how a civilized society like Germany could fall under the influence of a ruthless demagogue like Adolf Hitler, Theodor Adorno and his colleagues (Adorno et al., 1950) studied the psychological parameters of the authoritarian personality. Some years later, Stanley Milgram (1963) extended this line of research in his now famous obedience experiments, which examined the conditions that make people more likely to obey destructive authority figures. Social psychologists also focused their attention on the influence that the group had on the individual (Asch, 1956) and of the power of persuasive communication (Hovland et al., 1949). Arguably the most significant line of research and theorizing during this period was Leon Festinger’s theory of cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957). This theory asserted that people’s thoughts and actions were motivated by a desire to maintain cognitive consistency. The simplicity of the theory and its often surprising findings generated interest and enthusiasm both inside and outside of social psychology for many years.
The decade of the 1960s was a time of turmoil in the United States, with the country caught in the grip of political assassinations, urban violence, social protests, and the Vietnam War. People were searching for constructive ways to change society for the better. Following this lead, social psychologists devoted more research time to such topics as aggression, helping, attraction, and love. The groundbreaking research of Elaine Hatfield and Ellen Berscheid (Berscheid & Hatfield, 1969; Hatfield et al., 1966) on interpersonal and romantic attraction, for example, was not only important in widening the scope of social psychological inquiry, but it also generated considerable controversy outside the field. A number of public officials and ordinary citizens thought social scientists should not try to understand the mysteries of romance.
Despite the wariness of some, during the 1960s the federal government expanded its attempts to cure societal ills with the guidance of social scientists. Within this cultural context, the number of social psychologists rose dramatically. Among these new social scientists were an increasing number of women and, to a lesser degree, minority members. Whole new lines of inquiry into social behavior commenced, with an increasing interest in the interaction of the social situation with personality factors. The multitude and diversity of these lines of research would continue into the following decades (Pion et al., 1996).
CRISIS AND REASSESSMENT: 1970–1984
When social psychology first emerged from World War II and embarked on its rapid expansion, one of the pioneers in the field, Theodore Newcomb (1951), expressed concern that expectations were greater than anything that could be delivered in the near future. By the 1970s, when solutions to societal problems were no closer to being solved, and as the usefulness and ethics of experimental research came under increased scrutiny, a “crisis of confidence” emerged (Elms, 1975). When this disappointment and criticism was followed by accusations from women and minorities that past research and theory reflected the biases of a white, male-dominated view of reality, many began to reassess the field’s basic premises.
Fortunately, out of this crisis emerged a more vital and inclusive field of social psychology. More rigorous ethical standards were established, and although experiments remained the method of choice, researchers began conducting more correlational studies, as well as employing other methods. Regarding accusations of racial and gender bias, social psychology began moving toward more responsible positions, but such biases have yet to be eliminated from the discipline (Graham, 1992; Tesser & Bau, 2002).
One final important development during this time period was the importing of ideas from cognitive psychology in explaining social behavior. This “cognitive revolu-
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tion” (see p. 14) greatly enhanced theory and research in all areas of social psychology, and its impact persists today.
AN EXPANDING GLOBAL VIEW OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY: 1985–PRESENT
In the 1970s, both European and Latin American social psychological associations had been founded. The social psychology that developed overseas placed more emphasis on intergroup and societal variables in explaining social behavior than did its American cousin. In the mid-1980s, this overseas influence began to reshape the discipline, as social psychologists throughout the world actively exchanged ideas and collaborated on multinational studies (Fiske et al., 1998; Vala et al., 1996). One of the principal questions generated by this exchange of information concerns which aspects of human behavior are culture specific—due to conditions existing within a particular culture—and which ones are due to our shared evolutionary heritage. Although social psychology’s “professional center of gravity” still resides in the United States, European and Third World social psychology offers the entire field opportunities to escape what some consider the limitations of this “gravitational pull” to perceive new worlds of social reality (Shinha, 2003; Tam et al., 2003). This multicultural perspective will continue to guide research in the coming years.
Contemporary social psychologists have also continued the legacy of Kurt Lewin and SPSSI by applying their knowledge to a wide arena of everyday life, such as law, health, education, politics, sports, and business (Ellsworth & Mauro, 1998; Kinder, 1998; Salovey et al., 1998). This interest in applying the principles and findings of social psychology is a natural outgrowth of the search for understanding.
In this quest for scientific insight, some social psychologists contend that the discipline has focused too much attention on negative social behavior and the flaws in human nature (Krueger & Funder, 2004). There are those in the profession who disagree with this critique (Regan & Gilovich, 2004), but others reply that focusing on the problems we have as social beings will have more long-term benefits than focusing on our human strengths (Dunning, 2004; Epley et al., 2004). Regardless of the merits of these arguments, in this text we will examine both constructive and destructive social behavior, as well as discuss how people sometimes find themselves in very difficult predicaments where they contend with powerful situational forces.
In concluding this historical overview, if the life of a scientific discipline is analogous to a person’s life, then contemporary social psychology is best thought of as a “young adult” in the social sciences. Compared with some of the more established sciences, social psychology is “barely dry behind the ears” and still subject to growing pains (Rozin, 2001). Indeed, some social psychologists have suggested that the discipline’s failure to develop a “grand theory” that explains all aspects of social behavior may be a sign that it has not yet fully matured (Abrams & Hogg, 2004; Brewer, 2004; Kruglanski, 2001). Whether or not a grand theory is the hallmark of a science’s maturity is open to debate (Fiedler, 2004; Simonton, 2001). Yet even as a young science, social psychology reveals important insights into how we function as social creatures. Some of the milestones of the field are listed in table 1.2.
• Social psychology uses scientific methods to study how the thought, feeling, and behavior of individuals are influenced by the actual, imagined, or implied presence of others
• Social psychology has both psychological and sociological branches
• Social psychology bears a distinctive American imprint
• Social psychology has become more international in its focus
S E C T I O N S U M M A R Y
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T A B L E 1 . 2
Some Milestones in the Field of Social Psychology
The Early Years
1897: Norman Triplett publishes the first scientific study of social behavior, on a topic that was later called social facilitation. (See chapter 10.)
1908: Psychologist William McDougall and sociologist Edward Ross separately publish social psychology textbooks.
1920: Willy Hellpach founds the first Institute for Social Psychology in Germany. Hitler’s rise to power leads to the institute’s demise in 1933.
1924: Floyd Allport publishes the third social psychology text, clearly identifying the focus for the psychological branch of the discipline and covering many topics that are still studied today.
1925: Edward Bogardus develops the social distance scale to measure attitudes toward ethnic groups. Shortly, Louis Thurstone (1928) and Rensis Likert (1932) further advance attitude scale development. (See chapter 6.)
1934: George Herbert Mead’s book Mind, Self, and Society is published, stressing the interaction between the self and others. (See chapter 3.)
The Coming-of-Age Years
1936: The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues is founded. Muzafir Sherif publishes The Psychology of Social Norms, describing research on norm formation. (See chapter 9.)
1939: John Dollard and his colleagues introduce the frustration-aggression hypothesis. (See chapter 13.)
1941–1945: Social psychologists are recruited by the U.S. government for the war effort.
Rapid Expansion Years
1949: Carl Hovland and his colleagues publish their first experiments on attitude change and persuasion. (See chapter 7.)
1950: Theodor Adorno and his colleagues publish The Authoritarian Personality, which examines how extreme prejudice can be shaped by personality conflicts in childhood. (See chapter 8.)
1951: Solomon Asch demonstrates conformity to false majority judgments. (See chapter 9.)
1954: Gordon Allport publishes The Nature of Prejudice, which provides the framework for much of the future research on prejudice. Social psychologists provide key testimony in the U.S. Supreme Court desegregation case, Brown v. Board of Education. (See chapter 8.)
1957: Leon Festinger publishes A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance, emphasizing the need for consistency between cognition and behavior. (See chapter 6.)
1958: Fritz Heider publishes The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations, laying the groundwork for attribution theory. (See chapter 4.)
1963: Stanley Milgram publishes his obedience research, demonstrating under what conditions people are likely to obey destructive authority figures. (See chapter 9.)
1965: The Society of Experimental Social Psychology is founded. Edward Jones and Kenneth Davis publish their ideas on social perception, stimulating attribution and social cognition research. (See chapters 4 and 5.)
ORGANIZING PRINCIPLES OF EXPLANATION IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
I have already mentioned that the focus of mainstream social psychology is the individual and her or his interpretation of social situations. Although social psychology has no grand theory that explains all aspects of social behavior, social psychologists use some important organizing principles and perspectives in understanding social interaction. Let us briefly examine these central concepts and theoretical perspectives.
The Self Is Shaped by—and Shapes—the Social Environment
Because of the way in which human beings are biologically and socially put together, the way they interpret social situations is quite complex. The self—meaning a symbol-using social being who can reflect on his or her own behavior—was one of the first areas of inquiry by social psychologists during the first third of the twentieth century. In the 1980s, the self reemerged as perhaps the single most important concept in understanding social behavior.
Self
A symbol-using social being who can reflect on his or her own behavior.
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Rapid Expansion Years
1966: The European Association of Experimental Social Psychology is founded. Elaine (Walster) Hatfield and her colleagues publish the first studies of romantic attraction. (See chapters 11 and 12.)
1968: John Darley and Bibb Latané present the bystander intervention model, explaining why people often do not help in emergencies. (See chapter 14.)
Crisis and Reassessment Years
1972: Attribution: Perceiving the Causes of Behavior, written by six influential attribution theorists, is published. (See chapter 4.) Robert Wicklund and Shelley Duval publish Objective Self-Awareness Theory, describing how self-awareness influences cognition and behavior. (See chapter 3.)
1974: The Society for Personality and Social Psychology (SPSP) is founded. Sandra Bem develops the Bem Sex Role Inventory and Janet Spence and Robert Helmreich develop the Personal Attributes Questionnaire, both of which measure gender roles. (See chapters 3 and 5.)
1981: Alice Eagly and her colleagues begin conducting meta-analyses of gender comparisons in social behavior, reopening the debate on gender differences. (See relevant chapters.)
1984: Susan Fiske and Shelly Taylor publish Social Cognition, summarizing theory and research on the social cognitive perspective in social psychology. (See chapter 5.)
The Expanding Global View Years
1986: Richard Petty and John Cacioppo publish Communication and Persuasion: Central and Peripheral Routes, describing a dual-process model of persuasion. (See chapter 7.)
1989: Jennifer Crocker and Brenda Major publish their Psychological Review article on “Social Stigma and Self-Esteem,” examining how people respond to being the targets of discrimination. (See chapter 8.)
1991: Hazel Markus and Shinobu Kitayama publish their Psychological Review article on how culture shapes the self. (See chapter 3.)
1995: Claude Steele and Joshua Aronson publish “Stereotype Threat and the Intellectual Test Performance of African Americans” in Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, presenting their research on how negative stereotypes can shape intellectual identity and performance. (See chapter 8.)
1996: David Buss and Neal Malamuth publish Sex, Power, Conflict, an edited text offering evolutionary and feminist perspectives on sex and gender interactions. A growing number of social psychologists attempt to integrate these previously divergent perspectives. (See relevant chapters.)
(Because the passage of time ultimately determines what events significantly shape a field, I will wait a few years before adding any more milestones to this list.)
As selves, we not only have the ability to communicate with others through the use of symbols, but we also reflect on our thoughts and actions (Mead, 1934). Because of these abilities, we can define social reality, anticipate the future, and change our behavior to be in line with the anticipated reality. For example, suppose Jack has been working long hours at the office and, as a result, has ignored his wife and children. One day, it dawns on Jack that if he continues in this pattern of “all work and no play,” he will not only be dull, but also divorced and depressed. Based on this anticipation, he revises his work schedule to enjoy the company of his family. In other words, Jack consciously changes his behavior to avoid what he perceives to be a host of unpleasant future consequences. This ability to analyze ourselves, our surroundings, and possible future realities allows us to actively create and re-create ourselves and our social world.
In this process of being active agents in changing our environment, social psychology has empirically demonstrated that on some occasions we pay more attention to social cues, while on other occasions we act more in line with our own personal standards (Silvia & Duval, 2001a; Snyder, 1987). These shifts in attention to private aspects of the self versus public self-aspects can significantly alter our behavior.
In addition to our focus of attention, the way we think of ourselves (our self-concept) also influences social behavior (Baumeister, 1998). Self-concept, however, does not develop in a
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social vacuum—it is based on group membership as well as on more unique personal qualities (Turner, 1985). Numerous studies have found that when self-concept is manipulated by others so that we think of ourselves a certain way, we tend to act consistent with this externally derived definition (Rosenthal, 1991). As you study the various areas of social psychological inquiry in this book, you will realize that something as personal, and often as private, as our self-beliefs are often molded by forces outside us.
Social psychology’s renewed emphasis on the self represents a reaffirmation of Kurt Lewin’s belief that both person and situational factors influence social behavior. Lewin’s perspective, later called interactionism (Blass, 1984; Seeman, 1997), combines personality psychology (which stresses differences among people) with traditional social psychology (which stresses differences among situations). In keeping with Lewin’s legacy, throughout this text we will examine how these two factors contribute to the social interaction equation, and we will use the self as the primary “person” variable.
Social Cognition Involves Multiple Cognitive Strategies Shaped by People’s Motives and Desires
Throughout the history of social psychology there has been a running debate concerning the nature of human behavior. One perspective is that people are moved to act due to their needs, desires, and emotions (also known as affect). Social psychologists subscribing to this “hot” approach argue that cool, calculated planning of behavior is secondary to heated action that fulfills desires (Zajonc, 1984). The alternative viewpoint is that people’s actions are principally influenced by the rational analysis of choices facing them in particular situations. Followers of this “cold” approach assert that how people think will ultimately determine what they want and how they feel (Lazarus, 1984).
In the 1950s and 1960s, the hot perspective was most influential, but by the 1980s the cold perspective dominated the thinking within social psychology. One reason for this shift was the advent of the computer age, which resulted in people’s everyday lives being saturated with the terminology and thinking of this new “technoscience.” Reflecting this new view of reality, many social psychologists borrowed concepts from cognitive psychology (Robins et al., 1999). Using the computer as a model for human thought, they developed theories outlining how behavior was determined by rational and methodical cognitive programs that were part of a larger central processing system. These theories of social cognition have provided numerous insights into how we interpret, analyze, remember, and use information about our social world. Throughout the textbook, you will recognize the influence that the “cold” perspective has had on how we understand social behavior, especially in the numerous social cognitive theories that we will examine.
Even though many in the field enthusiastically embraced the social cognitive perspective, others expressed concern that the person was in danger of being lost in this new information-processing approach (Koch, 1981). They argued that to think of motives and affect as merely end products in a central processing system was to dehumanize social psychology. In the early 1990s, a number of social psychologists sought to establish a more balanced view of human nature by blending the traditional hot and cold perspectives into what some have termed the Warm Look (Sorrentino, 2003; Sorrentino & Higgins, 1986). Reflecting this warm perspective, most contemporary social cognitive theories discuss how people employ multiple cognitive strategies based on their current goals, motives, and needs (Dunning, 1999; Strack & Deutsch, in press). In such discussions, theorists typically propose dual-process models of cognition, meaning that our social thinking and behavior is determined by two different ways of understanding and responding to social stimuli (Gilovich & Griffin, 2002; Petty, 2004). One mode of information processing—related to the cold perspective legacy in social psychology—is based on effortful, reflective thinking, in which no action is taken until its potential consequences are properly weighed and evaluated. The alternative mode of processing information—related to the hot perspective legacy in social psychology—is based on minimal cognitive effort, in which behavior is often impulsively and unintentionally activated by emotions, habits, or biological drives. Which of the two avenues of informa-
Interactionism
An important perspective in social psychology that emphasizes the combined effects of both the person and the situation on human behavior.
Social Cognition
The way in which we interpret, analyze, remember, and use information about our social world.
General laws and individual differences are merely two aspects of one problem; they are mutually dependent on each other and the study of the one cannot proceed without the study of the other.
Kurt Lewin, German-born social psychologist, 1890–1947
Dual-Process Models of Social Cognition
Theories of social cognition which propose that people employ two broad cognitive strategies to understand and respond to social stimuli, one involving effortless thinking and the other involving effortful thinking.
14 Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology
tion processing people take at any given time is the subject of ongoing research that we will examine throughout this text.
When social psychologists discuss effortful and effortless thinking they also often discuss two related concepts: explicit cognition and implicit cognition. Explicit cognition involves deliberate judgments or decisions of which we are consciously aware, while implicit cognition involves judgments or decisions that are under the control of automatically activated evaluations occurring without our awareness (Dorfman et al., 1996). How does implicit and explicit cognition relate to effortful and effortless information processing? By definition, implicit cognition is effortless and unintentionally activated, but explicit cognition involves both effortful and relatively effortless thinking.
How might implicit cognition affect social interaction? Feeling uneasy and irritable around a new acquaintance because she unconsciously reminds you of a disagreeable person from your past is an example of how unconscious, automatically activated evaluations can shape your social judgments. For many years, social psychologists primarily studied and discussed the conscious decision making that shapes social interaction, but recently there has been a great deal of interest in how thinking below the “radar” of conscious awareness can influence social judgments and behavior (Karpinski, 2004). Throughout the text, we will discuss how both explicit and implicit cognitive processes shape our social world.
Culture Shapes Social Behavior
In defining social psychology, I have stated that the main focus is the person’s interpretation of social reality. Yet in attempting to understand how people interpret and respond to social reality, we must remember that people view the world through cultural lenses. By culture, I mean the total lifestyle of a people, including all the ideas, symbols, preferences, and material objects that they share. This cultural experience shapes their view of reality, and thus, significantly influences their social behavior (Markus et al., 1996; Valsiner, 2000).
IDEOLOGY
The values and beliefs of any culture are subsumed under a larger social construction called an ideology. An ideology is a set of beliefs and values held by the members of a social group, which explains its culture both to itself and to other groups. These beliefs and values produce a psychological reality that promotes a particular way of life within the culture (Giddens, 1981). Put more simply, an ideology is the theory that a social group has about itself. Thus, just as we have a theory about ourselves (self-concept) that guides our behavior, so too does a society (ideology).
Although homogeneous societies have only one ideology, societies containing diverse cultures contain multiple ideologies. In Canada, for example, there is the culture of the English-speaking provinces, as well as the cultures of French-speaking Quebec and the Native American tribes. Although the dominant ideology within a multicultural society will be that of the most powerful social group (in Canada’s case, it is that of the English-speaking culture), the other cultures’ views of reality will also significantly influence social life within the society. In the United States, social scientists have investigated how African American, Asian American, European American, Hispanic American, and Native American ideologies are similar to and different from one another (Delgado-Gaitan, 1994; Tharp, 1994). Throughout this text, we will periodically examine how the differing ideologies permeating a multicultural society can lead to different patterns of social behavior.
INDIVIDUALISM AND COLLECTIVISM
Directly related to our understanding of social behavior are the cultural belief systems concerning how individuals relate to their group, namely individualism and collectivism (Adamopoulos, 1999; Miller & Prentice, 1994). Individualism is a preference for a loosely knit social framework in society in which individuals are supposed to take care of themselves and their immediate families only. This belief system asserts that society is a collection of unique individuals who pursue their own goals and interests and strive to be relatively free from the influence of others (Bhargava, 1992).
In fact, I cannot totally grasp all that I am. Thus, the mind is not large enough to contain itself; but where can that part of it be which it does not contain?
St. Augustine, Christian theologian, A.D. 354–434
Culture
The total lifestyle of a people, including all the ideas, symbols, preferences, and material objects that they share.
Ideology
A set of beliefs and values held by the members of a social group, which explains its culture both to itself and to other groups.
Individualism
A philosophy of life stressing the priority of individual needs over group needs, a preference for loosely knit social relationships, and a desire to be relatively autonomous of others’ influence.
Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology
15
Canada is an example of a society with diverse cultures, such as the French-speaking province of Quebec. Think about your own upbringing. Do different cultural ideologies influence your own view of the world?
The union is only perfect when all the individuals are isolated.
Ralph Waldo Emerson, U.S. philosopher/poet, 1803–1882
As a philosophy of life, traces of individualism can be seen in early Greek and Roman writings and in the values and ideas of the medieval Anglo-Saxon poets of England (Harbus, 2002). However, it did not make a significant appearance on the world stage until the sixteenth century, when people became more geographically mobile and, thus, more likely to come into contact with radically different cultures (Kim, 1994). Exposed to different social norms and practices, people began to entertain the possibility of having goals separate from those of their group (Kashima & Foddy, 2002). In the arts, characters in novels and plays began to be portrayed as having individual states of emotion and as struggling with the distinction between their true self and the social roles assigned to them by their family and community (Stone, 1977). During the late 1800s and early 1900s—the age of industrialization and urbanization in Western societies—social roles became increasingly complex and compartmentalized. Now it was common practice to “find” or “create” one’s own personal identity rather than to be given an identity by one’s group. This belief also holds true today in our contemporary society. Self-discipline, self-sufficiency, personal accountability, and autonomy are highly valued characteristics in a person (KåȈgitcibas¸i, 1994).
Examples of this individualist orientation can be seen throughout U.S. history. In the 1700s, Thomas Jefferson’s penning of the Declaration of Independence was essentially a bold assertion that individual rights were more important than group rights. In the 1800s, poet/philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson believed that individualism was the route that, if truly traveled, would result in a spontaneous social order of self-determined, self-reliant, and fully developed citizens. In contemporary America, one can see the striving for individualism in the most mundane of everyday activities. For example, households strive to be self-sufficient units by accumulating all the necessary appliances for daily tasks. There is seldom communal ownership of lawnmowers, washing machines, or personal computers, despite the fact that these items could be shared by neighbors, thereby saving money for all. Yet such sharing would reduce one’s freedom to use the products whenever one wished, and thus, it runs counter to our individualist mind-set.
In contrast to individualism, there is an alternative perspective known as collectivism, which represents a preference for a tightly knit social framework in which individuals can expect their relatives or other members of their social group to look after them in exchange for unquestioning loyalty. This cultural belief system asserts that people become human only when they are integrated into a group, not isolated from it. Although individualists give priority to personal goals, collectivists often make no distinctions between personal and
Human beings draw close to one another by their common nature, but habits and customs keep them apart.
Confucius, Chinese sage, 551–479 B.C.
Collectivism
A philosophy of life stressing the priority of group needs over individual needs, a preference for tightly knit social relationships, and a willingness to submit to the influence of one’s group.
16 Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology
group goals. When they do make such distinctions, collectivists subordinate their personal goals to the collective good (Abrams et al., 1998; Oyserman et al., 2002). Due to the greater importance given to group aspirations over individual desires, collectivist cultures tend to value similarity and conformity, rather than uniqueness and independence. (See chapter 9 for a more detailed discussion.)
How does this different perspective on the relationship between the individual and the group influence thought and behavior? Consider a modern, industrialized society with a collectivist orientation: Japan. The Japanese, like other people living in a collectivist society, view group inclusion and allegiance to be one of the primary goals in life. Indeed, in Japan the expression for individualist, kojin-shugi, is considered a socially undesirable characteristic, suggesting selfishness rather than personal responsibility (Ishii-Kuntz, 1989). Persons who defy the group’s wishes, often considered heroes in an individualist culture, would bring shame upon themselves and their families (and their ancestors) in Japan. In North American society, to stand above the crowd, to be recognized as unique and special, is highly valued. In Japan, such attention detracts from the group. The different perspectives these cultures have about the individual standing out from the group is illustrated in contrasting proverbs or mottos. In North America, “The squeaky wheel gets the grease” and “Do your own thing” are commonly heard phrases, while the Japanese credo is “The nail that sticks up shall be hammered down.” View social psychologist Hazel Markus’s comments on these cultural differences and how they influence athletes’ reactions to success in their sports on your Social Sense CD-ROM.
It may surprise you to know that approximately 70 percent of the world’s population lives in cultures with a collectivist orientation (Singelis et al., 1995). Indeed, the collectivist perspective is a much older view of the relationship between the individual and the group than is the individualist orientation. For most of human history, the group was the basic unit of society. Whether you were born into a clan or a tribe, you would generally live in one geographic region your entire life and would, upon maturing, assume the same social role as your parents. You did not have to “search” for your identity; it was given to you by your group. Political scientist Ronald Inglehart and social psychologist Daphna Oyserman contend that collectivism is the older of the two philosophies because it focuses on the type of thinking and behavior that affords the most protection for people who live in threatening environments where survival needs are extremely salient. This is exactly the type of environment that has historically confronted all human groups until fairly recently. In contrast, individualism is a much more recent philosophy of life because it develops among people who inhabit relatively safe environments where their survival is less dependent on maintaining strong group ties. This liberation from immediate physical threats reduces the importance of survival-focused values and gives higher priority to freedom of choice (Inglehart & Oyserman, in press).
Table 1.3 lists some of the differences between these two cultural ideologies. Currently, individualism and collectivism are considered by the majority of cross-cultural researchers to be two ends of a continuum, with the United States, Canada, Australia, and Western European societies located more toward the individualist end, and Asian, African, and Latin and South American nations situated near the collectivist end. Within both individualist and collectivist cultures, individualist tendencies tend to be stronger in large urban settings—where people are less dependent on group ties—while collectivist tendencies are more pronounced in small regional cities and rural settings—where social relationships are more interdependent (Kashima et al., 2004; Ma & Schoeneman, 1997).
Which perspective is better? Your answer depends on what values you have internalized (Sampson, 1988). As previously mentioned, although individualism and collectivism are seen by many theorists as two ends of a continuum, this doesn’t mean that individualist tendencies do not influence people living in collectivist cultures, nor that collectivist yearnings do not shape individualists (Göregenli, 1997). Indeed, a growing number of theorists think of these differing ideologies as reflecting two seemingly universal and common human needs: the need for autonomy and the need for communion (Aaker et al., 2001; Schwartz, 2003). Thus, although all humans have both a need for autonomy and communion, individualist cultures place greater value on autonomy, while collectivist cultures place greater value on communion. Because one of the goals of social psychology is to understand how the past
An individual has not started living until he can rise above the narrow confines of his individualistic concerns to the broader concerns of all humanity.
Martin Luther King, Jr., U.S. civil rights leader, 1929–1968
View an interview with social psychologist Hazel Markus.
Social Sense
Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology 17
T A B L E 1 . 3
Differences Between Collectivist and Individualist Cultures
Collectivist Individualist
Identity is based in the social system and given by one’s group.
People are socialized to be emotionally dependent on organizations and institutions.
Personal and group goals are generally consistent; and when inconsistent, group goals get priority.
People explain others’ social behavior as being more determined by social norms and roles than by personal attitudes.
Emphasis is on belonging to organizations, and membership is the ideal.
Trust is placed in group decisions.
Identity is based in the individual and achieved by one’s own striving.
People are socialized to be emotionally independent of organizations and institutions.
Personal and group goals are often inconsistent, and when inconsistent, personal goals get priority.
People explain others’ social behavior as being more determined by personal attitudes than by social norms and roles.
Emphasis is on individual initiative, individual achievement, and leadership is the ideal.
Trust is placed in individual decisions.
experiences and present conditions of others influence their interpretation of reality, these two contrasting perspectives will periodically figure in our chapter discussions. Spend a few minutes completing the “Values Hierarchy Exercise” in table 1.4 to better understand the relative importance of these two cultural orientations in your own life.
A few additional points bear mentioning regarding these two cultural orientations. As already suggested, individualism and collectivism are not permanent, unchanging characteristics of given societies (Park et al., 2003). Individualism is closely linked with socioeconomic development (Welzel et al., 2003). When collectivist cultures become industrialized and experience economic development, they often experience a shift toward some of the cultural beliefs associated with individualism and away from some of the cultural beliefs associated with collectivism. This is at least partly so because the increased prosperity brought on by economic development minimizes the type of concerns for survival that prompt people to strongly identify with—and unquestionably submit to—their social group (Inglehart & Baker, 2000; Oyserman et al., 2002). When economic conditions shift in this manner, many collectivists begin developing an interest in individual freedom-focused rights and privileges. The transition to democracy, which stresses individual rights over the rights of the state, is currently taking place in such collectivist countries as Turkey, the Philippines, South Africa, Taiwan, and Slovenia. Both China and Vietnam are experiencing rapid economic growth, which should lead to increased individualist desires among their citizenry as well.
Evolution Shapes Universal Patterns of Social Behavior
One of the added benefits of cross-cultural research is that it not only allows us to identify those aspects of social behavior that vary from one culture to the next, but it also allows us to identify social behaviors that are not culturally constrained. When a universal social behavior is identified, discussion naturally turns to how this pattern of behavior may have evolved. Evolutionary psychology may provide useful insights here (Barrett et al., 2002; Kenrick & Maner, 2004).
Evolutionary Psychology
An approach to psychology based on the principle of natural selection.
18 Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology
Many social scientists contend that individualist and collectivist tendencies can and do coexist within a person. The conflict that can often result from striving for personal goals that may hinder group health and harmony is often depicted in popular television shows and Hollywood movies. For example, in the classic 1947 Christmas movie, It’s a Wonderful Life, Jimmy Stewart’s character, George Bailey, is continually faced with life decisions that pit his own personal desires against his feelings of obligation toward his community. Although he is an individualist, George Bailey repeatedly puts aside his own desires and serves his community. This movie has a clear collectivist message: the self is affirmed by fulfilling the needs of the group. Why do you think this movie’s message is so warmly received in North America’s individualist culture? Does this message appeal to you? Would you put aside your own personal desires and ambitions in order to serve your community?
T A B L E 1 . 4
Individualist-Collectivist Values Hierarchy Exercise
Directions
Listed below are twelve values. Please rank them in their order of importance to you with “1” being the “most important” and “12” being the “least important.”
Pleasure (Gratification of Desires)
Honor of Parents and Elders (Showing Respect)
Creativity (Uniqueness, Imagination)
Social Order (Stability of Society)
A Varied Life (Filled with Challenge, Novelty, and Change)
National Security (Protection of My Nation from Enemies)
Being Daring (Seeking Adventure, Risk)
Self-discipline (Self-restraint, Resistance to Temptation)
Freedom (Freedom of Action and Thought)
Politeness (Courtesy, Good Manners)
Independence (Self-reliance, Choice of Own Goals)
Obedience (Fulfilling Duties, Meeting Obligations)
Scoring
The individualist and collectivist values are listed in alternating order, with the first (Pleasure) being an individualist value and the second (Honor of Parents and Elders) being a collectivist value. People from individualist cultures such as the United States, Canada, England, or Australia tend to have more individualist values than collectivist values in the upper half of their values hierarchy. This order tends to be reversed for those from collectivist cultures such as Mexico, Japan, Korea, or China. Which of the two cultural belief systems is predominant in your own values hierarchy? If you know someone from another culture, how do they rank these values?
Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology
19
The evolutionary perspective is partly based on the writings of biologist Charles Darwin (1809–1882), who theorized that genetic changes in the population of a species occur over many generations due to the interaction of environmental and biological variables. Genes are the biochemical units of inheritance for all living organisms, and the human species has about 30,000 different genes. According to Darwin (1859, 1871), all living organisms struggle for survival, and within each species a great deal of competition and genetic variation occurs between individuals. Those members of a species with genetic traits best adapted for survival in their present environment will produce more offspring, and, as a result, their numbers will increase in the population. As the environment changes, however, other members within the species possessing traits better suited to the new conditions will flourish, a process called natural selection. In this way, the environment selects which genes of a species will be passed onto future generations. As this process of natural selection continues, and as the features best suited for survival change, the result is evolution, a term that refers to the gradual genetic changes that occur in a species over generations. Reproduction is central to the natural selection process, and the essence of natural selection is that the characteristics of some individuals allow them to produce more offspring than others.
An example of social behavior from another species that may be the product of natural selection is water splashing by male gorillas. Males regularly create massive water plumes by leaping into pools or by slapping the water with their powerful hands. Why is it that female gorillas do not engage in this behavior nearly to the same degree, and what precipitates male splashing? Evolutionary theorists hypothesized that male gorillas engage in water splashing to intimidate other males and keep them away from their females. To test this hypothesis, researchers observed the splashing displays of lowland gorillas in the Congo over a three-year period (Parnell & Buchanan-Smith, 2001). They found that more than 70 percent of the splashing was carried out by dominant males in the presence of males not from their social group, with more than half the displays occurring when no females were present. These findings suggested to the researchers that the splashing was being directed at strange males who might challenge the dominant male’s control of his group. They speculated that over the course of gorilla evolution, males who engaged in intimidating behavior like water splashing were more successful in preventing strange males from stealing females from their group than those who did not water splash. Thus, acting tough by literally making a big splash when other males were present resulted in greater reproductive success, and that is why this social behavior persists in the male gorilla population today.
Social psychologists who adopt the evolutionary approach apply a similar type of logic to understanding humans. Many social behaviors extensively studied by social psychologists, such as aggression, helping, interpersonal attraction, romantic love, and stereotyping, are thought to be shaped by inherited traits (Buss & Kenrick, 1998; Gangestad & Simpson, 2002). If this is true, then attempts to understand human social behavior should consider how these inherited traits might have given our ancestors a competitive advantage in their environment, thus maximizing their ability to survive and reproduce.
There are two important points to keep in mind when considering the process of evolution. First, individual organisms don’t evolve, populations evolve. The role that individuals play in evolution is their interaction with the environment and their genes being screened by natural selection. Thus, individuals contribute to a change in their species’ population by their own successes or failures in reproducing. Over many generations, the accumulated effects of literally thousands or even millions of individuals’ reproductive successes and failures leads to evolution of the species. The second point to remember is that evolution does not necessarily result in species being transformed into more complex forms of life (Smith & Szathmáry, 1995). Instead, the key feature of the evolutionary process has to do with the degree to which an organism’s inborn genetic traits help it adapt to its current environment. Thus, just as a trait that was once highly adaptive can become maladaptive if the environmental conditions change, the reverse is also true: a maladaptive trait can become extremely adaptive.
Despite the importance of adding the evolutionary perspective to our explanation of social behavior, many social scientists are cautious in applying these principles to contemporary human behavior (Conway & Schaller, 2002; Scher & Rauscher, 2003). The
Genes
The biochemical units of inheritance for all living organisms.
Natural Selection
The process by which organisms with inherited traits best suited to the environment reproduce more successfully than less well adapted organisms over a number of generations. Natural selection leads to evolutionary changes.
Evolution
The genetic changes that occur in a species over generations due to natural selection.
It may metaphorically be said that natural selection is daily and hourly scrutinizing . . . the slightest variations; rejecting those that are bad, preserving and adding up all that are good.
... We see nothing of these slow changes in progress, . . . we see only that the forms of life are now different from what they formerly were.
Charles Darwin, 1859, On the Origin of Species by Natural Selection, pp. 90–91
20 Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology
grounds for such caution rest on the fact that when biologists study an animal, they tend to examine it in terms of how it has adapted to its environment so that it can reproduce and pass on its genes. But as British ethologists Mark Ridley and Richard Dawkins (1981) point out, when a species changes environments—or when its environment changes—an unavoidable period of time exists in which its biological makeup is not in tune with its surroundings. They contend that all species are probably slightly “behind” their environment, but this is especially so for human beings. We are the youngest primate species on earth, but our brains and bodies are biologically no different than they were 150,000 years ago when our ancestors lived on the Pleistocene plains of East Africa. How we behave today in the modern world of city congestion and space-age technology may bear some relation to the roles for which our brains and bodies were originally selected, but the connection is probably weaker than we might think and needs to be interpreted with a great deal of care. In this text, we will approach evolutionary explanations with this sort of justifiable caution—that is, acknowledging that ancient evolutionary forces may have left us with capacities (such as the capacity to behave helpfully), but recognizing that current social and environmental forces encourage or discourage the actual development and use of those capacities.
Brain Activity Affects and Is Affected by Social Behavior
Beyond the organizing principles currently shaping theory and research, social psychologists are constantly exploring new connections with other disciplines, both within and outside the social and behavioral sciences. Like the evolutionary perspective, one new connection that comes from the field of biology is the subfield of social neuroscience, which studies the relationship between neural processes of the brain and social processes (Harmon-Jones & Devine, 2003; Ochsner & Lieberman, 2001). This analysis not only emphasizes how the brain influences social interaction, but also how social interaction can influence the brain.
The increased collaboration between social psychology and neuroscience is largely due to the development of more accurate measures of physiological changes, especially those involving brain-imaging techniques that provide pictures—or scans—of this body organ (Cacioppo et al., 2004). These techniques generate “maps” of the brains of living people by examining their electrical activity, structure, blood flow, and chemistry (Cunningham et al., 2003; Ito & Urland, 2003). For example, functional magnetic resonance imaging ( fMRI) measures the brain’s metabolic activity in different regions, revealing which parts of the brain are most active in such social tasks as talking or listening to others, watching social interactions, and thinking about oneself (Iacoboni et al., 2004; Lieberman & Pfeifer, in press). Researchers using fMRI technology have found that when love-struck research participants look at photos of their romantic partners, specific brain regions (the caudate nucleus) that play key roles in motivation and rewards—including feelings of elation and passion—exhibit heightened activation (Fisher, 2004). Such research offers the potential for another layer of insight into the dynamic process of social interaction.
Although it is still in its early formative stages, the application of biological theories to traditional social psychological topics may play an instrumental role in reshaping existing theories (Cacioppo et al., 2003; Wood, 2004). Indeed, the U.S. federal govern-ment’s National Institute of Mental Health—which has an annual budget of 1.3 billion dollars—has recently given priority to research grants that combine social psychology and neuroscience (Willingham & Dunn, 2003). In this text, we discuss some of the findings in this new area of research. For example, when discussing self-awareness and self-regulation (chapter 3), we examine how specific brain regions facilitate the monitoring and controlling of intentional behavior and focused problem solving. Similarly, when discussing attitude formation and change (chapter 6), we analyze how one brain region engages in an immediate primitive “good-bad” emotional assessment that may be followed by higher-order processing conducted in the brain’s cerebral cortex. This neuroscientific analysis will provide another layer of knowledge in our understanding of social interaction.
Social Neuroscience
The study of the relationship between neural processes of the brain and social processes.
Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology 21
As you can see, social psychology continues to expand its areas of inquiry, developing more sophisticated methods and theories that will provide greater insights into the social process. The remaining chapters in this text will provide you with some fascinating insights into your social world, and yourself. That is the beauty of social psychology. The more you learn about the psychology of social interaction, the more you will learn about how you can more effectively fit into—and actively shape—your own social surroundings. Let us now begin that inquiry.
WEB SITES
accessed through http://www.mhhe.com/franzoi4
Social Psychology Network
This is the largest social psychology database on the Internet, with more than 5,000 links to psychology-related resources.
Society for Personality and Social Psychology Home Page
This is the Web site for the largest organization of social and personality psychologists in the world. This organization was founded in 1974.
Evolutionary Psychology for the Common Person
This Web site provides an introduction to evolutionary psychology and provides links to other related web resources.
S E C T I O N S U M M A R Y
• The self is a central and organizing concept in social psychology
• Interactionism studies the combined effects of both the situation and the person on human behavior
• Many contemporary social cognitive theories attempt to reconcile the “hot” and the “cold” perspectives of human nature into a more inclusive Warm Look
• Social psychologists have become more attentive to cultural influences on social behavior
• The cultural variables of individualism and collectivism are particularly helpful in understanding cultural differences
• Evolutionary theory is increasingly used to explain social behavior
• Integrating ideas from neuroscience and social psychology are becoming more a part of social psychological research and theory
22 Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology

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